"The Tyranny of Structurelessness”

         In the article “The Tyranny of Structurelessness” by Jo Freeman, he emphasizes the importance of organization and structure when it comes to the development of a social movement. A movement, or organization, that lacks structure cannot grow because of various reasons. First of all, an informal movement is most likely unable to grow because it would not have the political power necessary for competing in society. Secondly, an informal group will not have the sufficient influence in society, and therefore will have a high risk of being taken over by more powerful entities. While some would agree that leaders could often mislead a group, or create a hierarchy that many fear, it is also true that a group with no leader is like a car without steering wheel. A driver needs a steering wheel and a steering wheel needs a driver. Once both these guidance tools are in place, the wheels (group members) can keep on turning.

M.A.

The Revolution Will Not Be Funded

            Andrea Smith, in her article, “The Revolution Will Not Be Funded,” denies the common wisdom that the more funding a non-profit organization has, the better the chances that the organizations can grow. Smith talks from experience with her non-profit organization INCITE.  This organization has managed to collect money for itself through, putting a limit on private funding help. Smith also expresses her believe that the help of corporations for non-profits is commonly self-served and not sincere. Corporations look at non-profit organization as “tax shelters” rather than heartfelt charitable destinations.

            If we step aside and look at this issue from a more broad prospective, the contradiction of a funded non-profit organization or a social movement is clear.  As I have learned through out my social movement course, a social movement emerges from the need to address a social issue, whatever the issue might be. Often times, the periphery side of a society rebels against the more powerful side, through social movements. Non-profit organizations are often created to offer help for the periphery side of society. How is it possible then, for a social movement, or organization, to be funded by the same people who are oppressing them? What makes us think that they want to help? The title of Smith’s article is the most simple and clear way of explaining the reasons why founding does nothing but hurt the dream of a utopian society; “The Revolution Will Not Be Funded,” we have to do it ourselves. 

M.A.

"The Times-In-Between"

          In the reading, “The Times-In-Between,” disruptive movements are discussed to help us understand the influence and effect that they have had in history, as well as where they stand today. The author discusses groups, such as union workers and civil right movements, which have had a great impact on our society. At some point these movements were at the summit of their disruptive power, and it was then that they acquired what they have been wanting. After their needs are “accommodated” these group’s disruptive power ceases until another issues presents itself. This time in-between is sometimes longer and more pacific than society could need it to be.

            Today, we live in a society that could make good use of some disruptive power and yet there is not much going on. Are we in “the time-in-between”? And if so, why? When do the times in-between come to an end and how big does the social issue need to be in order to wake up our disruptive power?

M.A.

The case of Jamaica

          Regardless of its natural resources, Jamaica has experienced high rates of poverty and oppression over the years. Byrne looks at Jamaica as an example of how Third World nations are oppressed and controlled by large and more powerful nations.

            In the 1960’s, Jamaica was the largest exporter of bauxite to Canada and the United States. Sugar and tourism were also a great source of income for Jamaica. Nevertheless, Jamaica did not benefit from these resources. Byrne states that the biggest resource that Jamaica exported was “cheap labor” (225), and thus, all the work of the Jamaican people did not benefit Jamaica itself, leaving the country underdeveloped and in poverty.

            Jamaica’s dependency on large economic entities, like the IMF, did not help its economy to outburst. Over 60 percent of goods used in the country were imported, and with Jamaica’s slow economy, it was impossible to cover the expenses of such importations; hence the IMF call to “aid” Jamaica. The loans provided by the IMF did not actually aid Jamaica. Instead, it submitted Jamaica to a $231.3 million deficit.

            Looking back at all the countries that have faced IMF debt, such as Jamaica, Bolivia or Peru, it is frustrating to see countries with extensive wealth of resources to be considered Third World countries. After reading about the harm that capitalism has caused over the years, I cannot help but wonder… Is it time for a revolution? I believe it is. It is overdue for these countries to regain their wealth and their own resources!

M.A.

The Third World

        Vijay Prashad in “The Darker Nations,” opens his introduction with a phrase that can easily summarize his entire ideology about Third World nations. He states, “The Third World was not a place. It was a project.” In this reading, Prashad looks at the concept of Third World as something more than a label for small, undeveloped states. These countries, mostly located in Africa, Asia and Latin America have long suffered the effects of colonialism by bigger and more powerful countries.

            Whether it was through military control, or trade control, elite nations have always managed to find ways to control these unfortunate nations and maintain capitalism. The realization of self-sufficiency and wealth of resources in these Third World nations has given birth to a wave of nationalism, which, if left alone to develop, could become the end of capitalism. Since capitalism has done nothing but destroy Third World nations, and with today’s economic struggle in large, powerful nations, we can safely say that capitalism has not done much for the elite nations either. Are there any benefits to capitalism, or is it finally time for a change?

M.A.

The danger of the media

          It is not a secret that the media possesses a great power to influence any event around the world. Whether it is a presidential election, a war or even a natural disaster, the media can either “make or break” a deal among nations or within nations. Todd Gitlin, in “The Media in the Unmaking of the New Left,” explains the great power that the media possesses. Gitlin focuses on the social movement of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and the affect that the media had on it.

            During the War in Vietnam, members of the SDS were involved in constant demonstrations of anti-war. Through out the war, SDS was always in the spotlight as one of the most eminent social movements. Therefore SDS became of great importance for media coverage. Things got much worse when the spokesperson of SDS, Jerry Rubin, filled with celebrity-like feelings, became a “performer” rather than a representative of the movement’s cause. The media made sure to enlarge such behavior in order to harm the reputation and credibility of SDS.

            Today, the media’s role in society is greater and more influential than ever. If societies are aware of the power that media has, how come we still fall in the trap of a manipulated media? Is 24 hours news coverage to blame? Do we really need to listen to this news over and over again (usually from the same point of view) for 24 hours? This is similar to when you listen to the same song many times, until it gets stuck in your head. To me, it is the best “brain-wash” strategy.

M.A.

The Black Panther Party

           The Black Panther Party was an organization that helped unite black communities and fight against the injustices of the system. Huey Newton and Bobby Seale founded the Black Panther Party in 1966.

            The Black Panther Party asked for freedom, decent housing, and education, among many other things that the white man commonly enjoyed and the black man was restricted from. The rules of the party were strict and enforced great outstanding behavior from their members. It was a way of showing the greatness that existed within the black community. The Black Panther Community News Service was their main news media through which they denounced the acts of injustice suffered in their community. It also served as a way of showing the greatness and persistence of blacks.

            After all this organization and cooperation among Black Panther members, why did the party fall apart?

M.A.

Art that is worth paying for!

          The Homeless Vehicle, as described by Neil Smith, was the art media through which homeless presence in society was most visible. The homeless vehicle was a piece of art created by Krzysztof Wodiczko.

            These vehicles were created not only as pieces of art, but also as functional mobile “homes” for the homeless. Even more than art and functionality, the homeless vehicle served as a tool to raise awareness about the great percentages of dispossessed people in New York City. While the government was trying to isolate these people from society by displacing them to areas outside the urban sections, Wodiczko created a way for them to have a “space” in society and not be deprived of their rights as citizens.

            As we can see, art is a great way of addressing a social issue. Therefore, I would ask, is expensive art, the kind only the elite can afford, an insult towards these kinds of issues? Should artists use the power of art for other purposes, rather than making money?

M.A.

"The Ballot or the Bullet"

            “The Ballot or the Bullet,” is Malcolm X’s speech from 1964. The year 1964 was an election year, and thus, Malcolm X’s speech calls for black community awareness of the importance of their votes. He emphasizes that his preaching is not anti-white, but rather anti-oppression and anti-exploitation.

            Malcom’s speech is that of a man who is tired of injustices, and his language is that of a common man; a common man who does not consider himself American. “Sitting on a table doesn’t make you a diner, unless you eat some of what’s on the plate. Being here in America doesn’t make you an American” (2). To be an American, a black man should have been able to enjoy everything that America had to offer, and they did not. He finds himself a “victim of Americanism,” a “victim of democracy,” which he describes as “disguised hypocrisy” (3).

            Malcolm X’s speech played an important role for the Civil Rights Movements. It was a call for black unity to fight and finally overcome the white imperialism. He referred to 1964 as the year to become “more politically mature and realize what the ballot is for” (6).  To him, there is only two ways out of this inequality, “the ballot or the bullet.” Therefore, he sees the 1964 election as the breaking point for inequality, and thus, he rises up to Black Nationalism.

            Black Nationalism is, to Malcolm X, a way to express, “Give it to us now. Don’t wait for next year. Give it to us yesterday, and that’s not fast enough” (8). He describes oppression as a crime, because it is prohibiting a person to fully own what belongs to him/her. He asks the black community to demand for what is theirs, through nonviolent actions, “nonviolent as long as the enemy is nonviolent” (15).

            Finally, he reassures that there are only two ways out, and thus, black unity is necessary in order to achieve integration. He advocates partnership with entities that preach Black Nationalism. He calls for awareness and participation because it is the only way that blacks will overcome. “It’ll be the ballot or the bullet. It’ll be liberty or it’ll be death” (14).

M.A.

Nonviolence as Contentious Interaction

            When people think about social movement’s uprisings, people often picture violent scenes, rebels, weapons, and so on. Doug McAdam and Sidney Tarrow, in their piece “Nonviolence as Contentious Interaction,” present us a different strategy of social movements.

            McAdam and Tarrow give different examples of when nonviolence has been a successful way out for different social movements, i.e. Martin Luther King Jr. and the Civil Rights Movements. Through nonviolent strategies, groups seek dialogue with the oppositions and in some ways try to find sympathy from society in order to reach their goals.

            Nowadays, with social networks, and brand new technologies, nonviolence protests are more possible. The ability to reach out for people, from around the world, to join a cause, plays an important part in the awareness to many different issues that people would not have known about before. Through social media, dialogue and the constant yearn for social change; a new, better, society could be possible.

M.A.

Ivory Perry and his life in the struggle

            In “A life in the struggle,” George Lipsitz tells the story of an eminent, revolutionary figure, Ivory Perry. Ivory Perry was a civil rights activist in St. Louis. He was a passionate man, who was driven by the needs of the people and the repression that they had to live through. He was known for his radical methods of protests, like lying down on the streets to stop traffic in order to call attention. He was an audacious man willing to do anything to stop injustice.

            Perry was extremely dedicated to his role as an activist, which brought him to experience economic and social difficulties. He lost his family and many different jobs because of his devoted passion to social activism. He was in jailed in many occasions for civil disobedience. This did not stop him from expressing his long yearn desire to stop police brutality and fix housing issues in the black community. Perry worked for the Nineteen Ward Improvement Association, where he was fired, because of his “lack of propriety” (120). He also worked for the Human Development Corporation. He was an important par of the HDC. According to Perry, recognition, of any kind, was not important for him and working for these entities was “useful… but not essential” (120).

            Lipsitz, describes Ivory Perry as an “organic intellectual” (9), which means that Perry lacked the intellectual knowledge of society (he had no formal education) but, he had great “ideas and aspirations” which were all he needed to reach his goals. “Organic intellectuals learn about the world by trying to change it, and they change the world by learning about it from the perspective of the needs and aspirations of their social group” (10). Perry was, without a doubt, an “organic intellectual.”

            Perry was a fascinating man, full of courage and passion. His efforts to reach an egalitarian society were immense. Nevertheless, I am not sure if his extreme misconduct and radical ideologies where efficient, more than they were agitations or plain disturbances.

            

http://www.amazon.com/Life-Struggle-Ivory-Culture-Opposition/dp/1566393213

M.A.

The State in Question

          The State is a social process, an organized power structure, and a system to which societies submit their actions. “The State in Question,” by Stuart Hall, is an overview of the origin of the state. According to Hall, the state is “a historical phenomenon,” and thus, he gives a historical recapitulation of the way that the state has evolved throughout history. From ancient Greece, to a neoliberal state, societies have experienced drastic changes in the way the system has worked. It is important to realize that Hall’s main objective is to explain the complexity of the state and the necessity of these changes. The state, as Hall says, “Is in some way ‘representative’ of society.” In other words, as societies evolve and the relations between its citizens, or any other aspect of society change, then the state will also adjust in order to assist the necessities of the people. Hall also refers to the Marxists’ perspective that it is mainly the higher social class who is in charge of the state, which is to say a capitalist society. Therefore, having the state represent our society is to resign from any chance of reaching an egalitarian society. Do we need any more reasons to start a social movement? I don’t think so!


M.A.

Social Movements Reader

           Today, we are living in a world where democracy has been greatly overrated. The indirect democracy that we “beneficiate” from, has managed to let us speak… at a very low volume. Sometimes even enabling the mute button without our awareness. The changes that societies have been experiencing, are not always favorable to everybody, it is then that we need to turn our amplifiers on and let our voices be heard. Social movements are the motor vehicle of these demands and have proven, over the years, that the results are always favorable.

            Goodwin and Jasper introduce us to social movements by explaining their complexity. A social movement is “a bit like art” (5), according to the editors. Like any art piece, a social movement requires time, dedication, and a whole lot of character. In Goodwin and Jasper’s introduction they explain the necessity of social movements in order to reach a more productive society. One that does not just “endlessly reproduce [itself]” but instead, advances in the pursuit of a better and more productive social stage. These positive changes are only possible through social movements that persuade the people in charge to not “routinize everything” (4), but instead “recognize new fears and desires” (4) and deal with them through social changes.

M.A.

http://www.amazon.com/Social-Movements-Reader-Blackwell-Sociology/dp/0631221964